Why Putin and Kadyrov, but not Gorbachev and Boris Kovalyov?

2 March 2019 was 89 years old Sergei Adamovich Kovalev and 88 Mikhail Gorbachev. And the first answer is simple: because Gorbachev and Kovalev elderly people, and especially Putin and Kadyrov — younger. But, of course, not just in the alternation of generations.

Mikhail Gorbachev did — wittingly or unwittingly — with a few companions, the great thing is the elimination of the dictatorship of the Communist party and the KGB, and Sergey Kovalev — this is one of the very few decent people who have proven in the Soviet era, and under the dictatorship to defend human rights, though at the cost of loss of freedom and health.

But, now individuals, both of them — Gorbachev, Kovalev — almost without pain see a rollback of their country from the achieved democratic freedoms of the 1990s years. The main bitterness of the moment of popular support, which, they say, are ideological opponents of both the current Russian President Vladimir Putin and head of Chechnya Ramzan Kadyrov. The first is the representative of the former Soviet secret services, the second creature of the first planted in the once-rebellious North Caucasus Republic with a view to its pacification.

Of course, talking about “popular support”, we just use the old Soviet slogan. However, the low price of all this dictionary was discovered as soon as the then leaders of the Soviet republics — the RSFSR, the Ukrainian SSR and Byelorussian SSR — had decided to eliminate the so-called Union centre led by the President of the USSR Mikhail Gorbachev, automatically dissolve the Union.

Then, in the late 1980s, it was believed that the then relatively peaceful dissolution of the Soviet Union — this is a fee that among all the other republics of the USSR was not such a war as broke out between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh, as well as between Moldova and Transnistria, which declared itself an independent state.

Even voting in the referendum for the preservation of the Union, in the last media of the Soviet dictionary — Mikhail Gorbachev — not enter one. Moreover, it is on him, not the initiator of the separation from the USSR, the Russian Federation, Boris Yeltsin, piled further responsibility for the disappearance of the Soviet Union.

At the same time cursing the restructuring of the population of post-Soviet Russian Federation began to spit from the dictionary of dissidents and human rights activists, the dictionary, which for the first time in history in Russia began to speak of the legal state.

The defenders were inclined to support the right of Nations to self-determination and to secede from the Union (and of the individual republics), and of course they maintained the rights of the individual. That’s just weakened over the years, Soviet identity was not ready to take their rights in their own responsible hands.

And I do not need human rights:
I’m no longer a man.

So wrote the lost Motherland of the old Soviet poet Vladimir Sokolov.

Human rights defenders passed by Gorbachev in the early years of perestroika. Lexically and stylistically. Media direct language without connotations, they did not believe the long speeches early Gorbachev. Especially some turns of the General Secretary of the CPSU provoked, as he said at the end of the Soviet century idiosyncrasy. My senior companion Gabriel Superfin said in 1992 that one of these words was the requirement Gorbachev to citizens “to decide” and to stand on the side of perestroika. About the tarnished reputation of this “to be determined” and said the other inmates of dissident articles. “You are undecided!” — told investigators, security officers, urging the suspects to self-incrimination and to cooperate with known varieties. In the first years of their speeches dual-use Gorbachev was supposed to lull its own personnel, at the same time inspiring confidence and those who never dreamed about the end of the rotten “developed socialism”. In these speeches, it was impossible to believe, but to them, many have confidence. And this trust Gorbachev met when he let go of Eastern Europe and brought the Soviet troops from Afghanistan.

But the feelings of gratitude experienced him tens of millions of late-Gromtsev: those who needlessly perished, promzy hurry to forget; and to imagine that you can own, without the guardianship of the state, to dispose of life and liberty, are only a few. That is why the first fruits of liberation have used tiny minority. The rest of the rights were Mikhail Gorbachev! — was decided by the end of 1990-ies, suddenly remembering that only ten years ago they were great-mighty-Soviet-Union, and now woke up, and that circle? Chechnya terror and “Ukraine is stealing our gas”!

Testing a new technique, the Russian propaganda machine zero years fanned in the hearts an ember of hatred to Gorbachev. Belovezhskaya man, as he called post-Soviet man at the beginning of the 1990s Gleb Pavlovskiy, woke up with a hangover and just in time for the end of the first decade of the free sober surrogate — infusion on the ashes of Stalin, Brezhnev and a little bit of comrade Beria. Tincture — a mind-bending: re-enactors-constrictors raise, probably, the First world war, and already burnt out whole districts of Donetsk and Lugansk regions. Posbivat civil aircraft. Put in the ground how many times of those who in 1989 were saved, were, from death in Afghanistan, Mikhail Gorbachev.

During the nineties men are undecided, and in the beginning they have kiselyovs-Solovyov explained on TV that in order to restore Soviet-esteem his own life more to spare for anything, let alone “ukrofašistskoj” — even more so.

In the mid 1990-ies I was lucky — sworn German translator Yeltsin refused to participate in discussions with Mikhail Gorbachev, too, has the former ruling mayor of Bremen, Hans Carnicom. The translator was afraid to get into the frame next to the disgraced President of the USSR and — out of favor with Yeltsin. Gladly taking his place, after the debate I received a few minutes of conversation with Gorbachev. I have used them in order to clarify the story with “to be determined” and another two or three words from the lexicon that a few years earlier deterred Gorbachev from potential supporters.

Now, it is clear that dissidents and human rights activists were populists of the 20th century, and their cause is quite hopeless. But in the mid-1990s, it seemed that business goes uphill, and Russia, so to speak, will be free. In addition, I was struck by in dealing with Gorbachev one more thing. From Hans Kosnik, whose words I had to translate Gorbachev in his ear, was terrible diction and a love of idiomatic expressions with which the layman had especially tight. Imagine my surprise when — after the first minute! — I realized that Gorbachev grasp the meaning Carnicom already in the middle of a sentence. And to translate Gorbachev’s speech from Russian into German had another colleague. In asking, therefore, rather inconsistent, your private question, I could not doubt that Gorbachev will catch things on the fly. And so it happened. At the same time he was looking through a magazine with my article about how he and Sakharov — Nobel peace prize — perceived post-Soviet Russian society, and before leaving the autograph, said, “well if I write about it”. Assured M. S. that writing about it is much better than everything else post-Soviet society, I received the first response to your question, and then a little resentful autograph.

— I went to law school. And taught us different people, with the experience of the investigator rather than a dissident, so many words, probably, there. But who need each other, we then realized. But those who knew each other before, just went. Well, maybe not for a very long time.

On the title page of the book Gorbachev wrote a sweeping hand: “Sakharov is Sakharov, and Gorbachev is Gorbachev. Well, we met and understand each other.”

At about this time I happened to be among the first readers of the book of memories Sergei Adamovich Kovalev, which first came out in Germany in German translation. In communication with Kovalev, the main difficulty lies in his dislike of hypocrisy. It would seem, is not easy to communicate with a completely truthful man? Which it is not necessary to ask again what he means or meant by so-and-so. Because Kovalev did not imply anything, meaning exactly what he says. No implications, no desire surface layer of the phrase to refer, for example, to smart (or stupid) foreigners, and deep — cunning (or near) compatriots. Rational speech scientist. All without embellishment. Without the desire to play on emotions or weaknesses. It Kovalev needs to include the reason and not instinct.

Languages Gorbachev and Kovalev is too different to talking to them could belong for example to one political party. One still studied investigators have retired, and the other sat for your rights behind bars.

The fact is that today’s Russian society is stunned by this new lie, it got used to violence, not only verbal — that neither direct speech Sergey Kovalev, nor the rich in Soviet connotations of the language of Mikhail Gorbachev to respond to it: it does not hear them. And when he hears, begins to shout that, say, hurt, and hurt his precious feelings. And then it repeats the verses of Vladimir Sokolov.

I’m tired of the twentieth century,
From his bloody rivers.
And I do not need human rights
I’m no longer a man.

I have long been an angel, I guess
Because grief tormented,
Don’t ask me gullible
From the earth that looks so bad
Took six-winged Seraphim.

Quieter speakers! — screams in the throes of grief. How it happened that instead of the Seraphim came to me these two armed men security?
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